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This is a repository copy of A Crip reading of Filipino philosophy.
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A CRIP READING OF FILIPINO PHILOSOPHY
ÉLAINA GAUTHIER-MAMARIL
Introduction
This chapter is my mestiza understanding of the philosophy of disability, as it is
produced at present. The chapter is mestiza because I am a disabled Filipinx, a half-
Filipina, half-white French Canadian. It is mestiza because I have settler privilege. It
is mestiza because I have “passing” privilege with respect to disability and race. But,
mostly, the chapter is mestiza because I cannot approach a philosophy of disability,
let alone create within it, in any other way. The chapter is my inchoate and exciting
contribution to the discourse on what it is to conceive of disability philosophically.
I want to draw you, my reader, into this incompleteness, this ambiguity and in-
betweenness. Inspired by Gloria Anzaldúa’s “mestiza consciousness” (1987), I
echo Mercado’s point in the opening quote about lateral thinking. By working
through the complicated questions of “what is crip philosophy?” and “what
is Filipino philosophy?” together, I hope to identify and represent some of the
many possibilities of dialogue between these hitherto separate domains and open
windows on horizons for a crip Filipino philosophy of disability.
The figure of the mestiza is complicated and not innocent. In the context
of the history of the Philippines, the mixed-race people that resulted from the
union between Spanish colonizers, Chinese traders, and American invaders and
indigenous peoples have held an ambiguous relationship with power and colonial
violence (Tan 1986; Goh 2008). My project in this chapter is, paraphrasing
Anzaldúa, to take inventory of what was inherited, what was acquired, and what
was imposed when it comes to thinking about the intersection between crip and
Filipino philosophy (Anzaldúa 1987: 82). One of the obstacles that philosophy
of disability encounters and aims to undermine is the entrenched belief that
disability is “natural.” On the other hand, the very quest for a “Filipino philosophy”
is rooted, though not uncritically, in a nationalistic and naturalizing project. For
example, Filipino philosophical traditions call on a “Filipino way” of thinking that
depends on contentious anthropological and sociological analyses. As Filipino
philosopher Leonardo N. Mercado has pointed out, nevertheless, entertaining a
Filipino specificity can be extremely fruitful:
Does Filipino logic follow lateral thinking? Scientists will have to find out, but
we are inclined to suspect that lateral thinking is the answer. Both induction and
deduction are complementary ways of arriving at the same truth. The Filipino
way of looking at the truth illustrates his (sic) intersubjective way of thinking.
[. . .] Objectivism has a totally falsified conception of truth, by exalting what we
can know and prove, while covering up with ambiguous utterances all that [we]
know and cannot prove, even though the latter knowledge underlies, and must
ultimately set its seal to, all that we can prove. In trying to restrict our minds
to the few things that are demonstrable, and therefore explicitly dubitable, it
has overlooked the a-critical choices which determine the whole being of our
minds and has rendered us incapable of acknowledging these vital choices.”
(Mercado 1994: 45–6)
Philosophy of disability is in many respects wrestling with the ableism of the
discipline of philosophy and the attachment of the discipline to Western reason.
Filipino philosophy, too, is wrestling with philosophy’s attachment to Western reason
in addition to the way that it negotiates the colonized history of the geographical
region. In this chapter, I want to explore these intersections and divergences.
I endeavor to do so by analyzing Jeremiah Reyes’s article “Loób and Kapwa:
An Introduction to a Filipino Virtue Ethics” through a crip reading lens. In other
contexts, I have used Reyes’s article to discuss power as a virtue, identifying how
Reyes’s work can be fruitful for an analysis of feminist relational ethics (Gauthier-
Mamaril 2022). In this chapter, I engage in a cripistemological dialogue with
Reyes’s article to demonstrate how Filipino philosophical concepts can contribute
to philosophy of disability.
In many ways, Reyes’s work represents a long tradition of philosophy in the
Philippines insofar as it draws on the writing of Thomas Aquinas. A legacy of the
Spanish colonial rule and the presence of Dominican friars on the isles, Thomism
continues to leave its mark on Filipino philosophy departments in the present. Like
Reyes, I was philosophically raised by Thomists, though thousands of miles away in a
small university in Canada run by Dominican friars. Although some of the friars read
Aquinas with a Derridean lens, they were Thomists nonetheless. The commonalities
between Reyes and I extend even further because Reyes engages with virtue ethics,
a task with which I am intimately familiar given my research on feminist theory and
bioethics. If to “do philosophy” is, as Pada says, to “engage in philosophical dialogue”
(2014), in this chapter I will “do crip Filipino philosophy” with you, in part through
an analysis of Reyes’s article. I propose the following roadmap for the chapter: In
the first section, I will outline the Filipino notions of loób and kapwa, as well as
argue that they are foundational ontological concepts that allow us to understand
individual agency as intrinsically relational within this Filipino context. My aim is
to present the onto-ethical framework that loób and kapwa create as one in which
the possibilities of crip agency are accommodated. The second section is devoted to
the analysis of four of the five “Filipino virtues” that Reyes derives from the relation
between loób and kapwa. These four virtues address moral relations that range from
familial responsibility to political engagement. I will highlight the ways in which
each of the virtues both opens possibilities for a critical philosophy of disability and
create tensions with the aims of such a way of thinking about disability. Finally, the
third section considers the fifth Filipino virtue that Reyes identifies—namely, lakas-
ng-loób/Bahala na—and the ways in which it can be understood to overlap with the
notions of crip hacking and crip time. To increase the accessibility of my chapter, I
have provided an appendix that comprises a pronunciation guide of the italicized
Tagalog words that appear throughout the chapter.
Loób and Kapwa: Finding Relational
Common Ground
Reyes identifies the concepts of loób (“relational will”) and kapwa (“together-with-
the-other”) as two pillars of Filipino virtues that can be compared and contrasted
with Thomistic virtue ethics. I use Reyes’s identification of Filipino virtues to
discuss the possibilities that are opened and the tensions that are created when
we approach Reyes’s conceptual taxonomy from a crip perspective. In line with
my reading of Spinoza (Gauthier-Mamaril 2021), that is, I join Jasbir K. Puar who
writes: “I want cripistemologies to articulate not only alternative epistemologies,
but also ontologies, challenging the limits of intersectional analyses and noting
the disciplinary character of any subject-driven endeavor” (2014). In other words,
I will treat loób and kapwa as ontological terms relating to agenthood that have
epistemological and ethical consequences.
In the following three subsections of the chapter, I argue that loób and kapwa
explain a kind of relational agency that is relevant to both the elaboration of Filipino
philosophy and the practice of philosophy of disability. In the first subsection, I
define loób and its particular role within the history of thought in the Philippines.
In the second subsection, furthermore, I define kapwa while making links to
feminist relational autonomy, drawing the conclusion, in the third subsection, that
these two concepts present a fruitful foundation for crip Filipino philosophical
reflections.
Defining Loób
Reyes tells us that the literal translation of the term loób is “inside” (2015: 153),
which can be used in relation to objects such as pots or cabinets. When the term
loób is applied to human individuals, it is usually understood as “the will.” Yet the
history of the concept is important to bear in mind because, as Reyes makes clear,
loób has evolved from the mixing of tribal animist worldviews and teachings from
Spanish Catholicism rather than the Cartesian will or for that matter the Kantian
will. Because concepts such as body/mind dualism and atomistic individualism
did not become widely spread in the Philippines until the end of the nineteenth
century when the United States took up the mantle of colonialism in this region
from the Spaniards, a Filipino sense of identity and agency was thinkable outside
of the category of the (Cartesian) “self.” To quote José de Mesa, “ loób apart from
referring to the core of personhood, also states what kind of core that is in
relationship. Loób, one may say, is a relational understanding of the person in the
lowland Filipino context” (De Mesa 1987: 46). In other words, loób expresses the
concept of relational personhood without appeal to an autonomous or rational self.
In fact, loób is characterized by becoming-in-relation, that is, by its intrinsic and
ontological relationality. This etymology of the term l loób means, furthermore,
that the concept l loób does not result due to the segregation of emotion and
intuition from the realm of rationality. With respect to the concept of loób, Reyes
notes, no distinction is made between the powers of the soul (including reason)
and the appetitive powers of the will and the senses, as is made in Aquinas’s moral
philosophy (Reyes 2015: 155).
The apparent ambivalence toward reason—which the absence in Filipino
philosophy of a distinction between reason and the senses seems to imply—has
been used to argue that there is in fact no such thing as Filipino philosophy (Pada
2014). I contend, however, that a more holistic approach to agency and, indeed,
to the agent themself resonates with the aims of a critical philosophy of disability.
The relational stance of l loób does not preclude rationality nor, however, does the
stance give rationality automatic priority as we in the West have been trained to
do. One’s lloób expresses itself in practice, through the acts of ordinary life, and
by living in relationship with others. In this way, the relational stance of loób is
similar to grassroots feminist ethics that propose ethical norms based on actual
human relationships rather than the application of norms to actions in a top-down
approach. As much as the l loób describes the agency of one soul or one individual,
it can only be defined in relation with the other, that is, with kapwa.
Defining Kapwa
Kapwa, like loób, is difficult to translate into European languages such as English.
It means others, a term that is laden with mountains of philosophical baggage.
Between Levinas’s Other, the autrui of French existentialists, and Anglo-American
individualistic political philosophy, the self/other dichotomy is part of the majority
of modern Western philosophical edifices. In the Filipino context, however, kapwa
does not signal separateness or outsideness but rather expresses the concept of “self-
in-the-others” or “together-with-the-person” (Reyes 2015: 156). To evaluate one’s
loób with respect to how well or how poorly it relates to kapwa is to take togetherness
or relationality as the core priority of ethics. And, given how much loób depends on
kapwa conceptually, I would argue that it presents a core ontological map.
The relationaliity of kapwa is not without its drawbacks. As colonized peoples,
the native inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were repeatedly depicted as
naturally subservient and docile. Even as recently as the 1960s, anthropologist
and sociologist Frank Lynch proposed “smooth interpersonal relationship” (SIR)
as the highest value of Filipinos (Lynch 1962; Reyes 2015: 155), perpetuating
a naturalized conception of Filipinos as upholding the status quo at all cost,
prioritizing community harmony over individual agency. This characterization is
harmful for multiple reasons, not least because it denies agency to Filipino peoples
because they value the recognition of shared identity. In other words, as long as the
importance given to kapwa is viewed through the lens of a reason-first conception
of agency, it will appear as a disadvantage. However, the concept of kapwa did not
evolve in a context where rationality is the gatekeeper of agency, therefore what it
offers us today is a different expression of relational personhood.
Relational Agency is Important to Philosophy of Disability Too
Although it might be difficult to think of agency founded in relationality, it is not
impossible and should be understood as a goal of philosophy of disability. Thus,
a conceptual framework (like that of Filipino philosophy) in which personhood
is defined outside of the usual parameters of rational capacity holds considerable
promise for a (Filipino) philosophy of disability. The logic of colonialism
encompasses the social and institutional devaluation of marginalized bodyminds,
including the bodyminds of disabled people who operate on crip time. I want,
therefore, to show that the person-with-others or one-within-otherness version of
the agent that the loób-kapwa combination proposes can contribute significantly
to the elaboration of a philosophy of disability ontology that prioritizes alternative
modes of power and agency.
Sources of Possibilities and Tensions
In my mestiza reading of Reyes, I was struck by all the possibilities that
I envisioned could bloom between Filipino concepts and philosophy of
disability. Nevertheless, I also perceived possible points of tension that I want
to render in this chapter. The two conceptual pairings that I analyze later,
namely, kagandahang-loób/utang-na-loób and pakikiramdam/hiya, represent
two concentric circles of relation: the familial or close kin circle and the larger
social circle of the community, respectively. Both my interpretation of Filipino
concepts and Reyes’s interpretation of them challenge these boundaries. I take
my challenge in the direction of crip philosophy and explore how these Filipino
concepts interact with crip concerns, whereas Reyes’s challenge remains largely
wedded to comparisons between Filipino concepts and Thomistic virtue ethics. I
think that the tensions and obstacles involved in a union between crip philosophy
and Filipino philosophy are not insurmountable. Indeed, my argument is that
the four virtues that I outline in what follows can be used in interesting crip
ways. I do not wish to have the last word on whether or not the four virtues are
completely compatible, but rather hope that my fellow scholars will find this topic
important enough to continue research on crip philosophy and the four virtues
of Filipino philosophy. My aim in this chapter is a modest one, namely, to give
an account of an interaction between these two sets of concepts, regardless of
whether that leaves us with some unresolved questions.
Kagandahang-loób and Utang-na-loób
The first pairing that I will examine is kagandahang-loób and utang-na-loób, or, in
other, Anglicized words, “beauty of will” and “debt of will.” Kagandahang-loób and
utang-na-loób are complementary ethical terms that can be roughly translated as
selfless benevolence and indebtedness, respectively. The terms capture the two
extreme ends of an asymmetrical power relation. In fact, kagandahang-loób is
often associated with motherly love and devotion for her child, who, in return, has
utang-na-loób, an unpayable debt of gratitude, for her. Historically, these terms
have been applied to familial and kin links, although Reyes, for one, argues that
the Christian tradition sought to widen the ethical reach of the terms (2015: 160).
Reyes also disagrees with thinkers who dub kagandahang-loób as a “feminine”
concept akin to Nel Noddings’s feminist care ethics (De Castro 2000). For Reyes,
this claim ignores the socio-historical context of the term and the concept that
it signifies. I agree with Reyes’s objection in this context and would add that
to approach kagandahang-loób through the mother-child lens imposes rather
arbitrary limits on what is a selfless definition of responsibility: kagandahang-loób
is probably neither Kantian disinterestedness nor emotional love. Like everything
else related to the loób, kagandahang-loób is invested in fostering and protecting a
worthwhile relationship through practice, not through moral reflection or feeling.
While responsible devotion is practiced in a relationship by the person in it
who has more to give, the receiver of care or vulnerable person in the relationship
reciprocates by expressing utang-na-loób to their caregiver. An example of this
reciprocity is a child’s respect for their parents’ wishes and their attempt to “make
their family proud” by communicating how grateful they are for their life and
upbringing. Another example is a debtor who voluntarily pays interest on the loan
that they owe a friend as a way to express their gratitude for the relationship of
trust that made the loan possible. Just as the mother-child relationship is not the
only way to consider kagandahang-loób, utang-na-loób need not be understood as
unidirectional. Insofar as all of us are in multiple relational webs, there is no one
way to care for and be cared for; our relationships with one another are dynamic
and they evolve over time and space.
Possibilities
This responsibility-for/gratitude-toward pairing opens up multiple possibilities
for philosophy of disability, especially if we explore the different modality of caring
relationships beyond blood kin. I want to emphasize the absence of any reference
to pure reason or sentimentality in both kagandahang-loób and utang-na-loób. As
I have noted earlier, loób does not involve rationality as a core criterion and there
seems to be no explicit injunction to be dispassionate in one’s relation to kapwa.
Rather, what is important is that the relation remains harmonious, which might
involve reason but does not depend on it. Caring for the loób-kapwa relationship
also need not be motivated by emotion or affect. One should, for example, express
utang-na-loób because it is an ethical practice that acknowledges and reinforces
community relations rather than because one is grateful. In a way, kagandahang-
loób and utang-na-loób prompt us to consider radical dependence beyond ideas of
desert: because we live in community, we all should be responsible for one another
and grateful to one another.
Tensions
Like the figure of the mestiza, the concepts of indebtedness and gratitude are not
innocent. Within the framework of settler colonialism, for example, narratives of
the grateful/ungrateful native have been used to justify all kinds of violence and to
deny entire peoples agency. From an intersectional feminist perspective, women
have, for centuries, been asked to be grateful for their enforced subservient social
roles; Black and brown people are supposed to be grateful that they are allowed
to exist; and disabled people are expected to rejoice that society diligently tries to
discover ways to fix them. The charitable model of disability provides excellent
examples of how someone’s “selfless sense of responsibility” harms another’s
agency when unconditional gratitude is expected. Therefore, we must recognize
that kagandahang-loób and utang-na-loób can be used to support disempowering
relationships in the name of respecting kapwa.
However, this disempowering interpretation of these terms is not inevitable. In
the spirit of bringing my mestiza inquisitiveness to this topic, I cannot leave at the
door my hermeneutical resistance to the concept of uncritical indebtedness. Then
again, that is not what utang-na-loób implies. Although Lynch’s concept of SIR
has been used to depict a pliable and docile Filipino identity, placing relationality
at the core of personhood and agency does not necessarily require that critical
thought be relinquished but rather that we give priority to the shared part of
our agency. Giving the shared part of our agency priority over the unique and
particular part of it will require that everyone who has long bathed in the waters
of atomistic individualism do some deep conceptual reconfiguring. In short, these
Filipino concepts do not tell us in advance what kind of relationship is worth
protecting other than the relationships that involve vulnerability and dependence
beyond transactional relations, a focus that is extremely relevant to the philosophy
of disability.
Pakikiramdam and Hiya
In this section, I will analyze the concept pairing of pakikiramdam (relational
sensitivity or prudence) and hiya (shame or embarrassment). Reyes links both
of these concepts to social self-restraint, empathy, and “emotional intelligence”
(2015: 163). Pakikiramdam in particular concerns “reading the room,” that
is, one’s awareness of or attunement to the social dynamics of a given time or
place before one acts. For these reasons, Reyes compares pakikiramdam to the
Thomist virtue of prudence, a virtue that is useful when one has only indirect
access to power. With pakikiramdam, we can see, once again, how a Filipino
ethical concept that involves a considerable amount of contextual awareness
can be ( and has been) used to claim that Filipinos are too sensitive and that
they care too much about public opinion. Among other things, such a claim
disregards the extent to which social praise and blame are important to most
ethical theories, including Kant’s. Indeed, members of marginalized and socially
disempowered groups in philosophy can learn a great deal about how power
operates in mainstream philosophy by considering the ways in which prudence
is mobilized in ethical theories.
The concept of hiya is more difficult to grapple with than the concept of
pakikiramdam. Reyes makes a distinction between “passive” and “active” hiya, or
shame that one suffers versus the self-control that motivates us to avoid causing
hiya to others (Reyes 2015: 164). I consider shame to be a fickle concept: it can be
extremely useful, extremely damaging, or both simultaneously. When we consider
hiya in the context of a relationality that is placed at the core of our ethical practice,
we can recognize that hiya would serve as a non-rational stopgap that to prevent
us from destroying community relations out of recklessness or imprudence. One
could argue that feeling shamed by one’s close friends and family often more
effectively motivates behavioral changes than a clear but impersonal rational
argument. Historically, however, shame has also been directed at marginalized
people in oppressive ways, such as conveying to them that they are defective or
dangerous, that they do not belong in public spaces, and that their desires and
needs are invalid. Thus, out of all of Reyes’s discussions of Filipino concepts, it is
the discussion of the concept of hiya that gives me the most pause.
Possibilities
With respect to agency there are (as I have suggested) very interesting points
of intersection between pakikiramdam, hiya, and the aims of a philosophy of
disability. Whereas kagandahang-loób and utang-na-loób are originally directed
at immediate relations with the people closest to us, pakikiramdam and hiya
offer the opportunity to think of relationality in a broader sense. Indeed, the
concept of hiya can be used to discuss our relation to nonhuman animals and the
environment by prompting us to consider the strength of all the connections that
support our communities. The kind of prudential practices that pakikiramdam
and hiya recommend are less concerned with personal moral valor than with
acknowledgment and maintenance of webs of support. This framework is
particularly instructive for a philosophy of disability that aims to be anchored in
a relational ontology insofar as the framework represents interdependence and
the need for mutual aid as the foundation of ethics rather than merely as effective
means in special circumstances only. More than that, the framework explicitly
values relationality rather than cast it as a weakness or the inability to be a “fully-
fledged” agent.
Tensions
One way in which to redeem the concepts of pakikiramdam and hiya in a crip context
is to view them as possible support for solidarity. Both intra-group relationships
within disabled communities and inter-group relations with institutions and able-
bodied agents require boundary practices. I understand a boundary practice to
signify the recognition and expression of the limits of particular instantiations of
relationality. In order for me to be in solidarity with blind and visually impaired
people, for example, I need to acknowledge that our experiences and needs do
not overlap completely. As an Asian-Canadian disabled person who wishes to act
in solidarity with Black and Indigenous disabled individuals and communities, I
must “check myself ” before I act. That is, I must think critically about, for example,
whether I have taken up discursive space on their behalf that Black and Indigenous
disabled people themselves should have occupied, whether I have misrepresented
their issues because of my own social privilege, and so on. Although we can (and
often should) conceive of relational sensitivity and shame as mechanisms of
assimilation and disempowerment, we can also use them as safeguards against our
impulse to center ourselves and overlook critical differences in our effort to create
communities for ourselves.
Embracing Uncertainty
In this last section of my chapter, I want to turn to the fifth “Filipino virtue” that
Reyes examines, lakas-ng-l loób. Doing so will enable me to return to a statement
that I made at the outset of this chapter, according to which loób and kapwa should
be considered as ontological terms as well as ethical terms. On my understanding
of it, the concept of lakas-ng-loób, or “strength-of-will,” is a worldview, a way of
relating to time and becoming by embracing uncertainty. While some philosophers
have equated this attitude with fatalism (Bostrom 1968), I want to demonstrate
how it can intersect with the concepts of crip time and crip futurism in a way that
maps out a different kind of relational agency.
Lakas-ng-loób is often linked to the expression Bahala na, which roughly
translates into English as “God willing,” signifying everything from optimism to
fatalism, passing through indifference and irresponsibility. Note that like all of the
Filipino concepts that I have discussed in this chapter, the concept of Bahala na is
a double-edged sword: it can be used as an excuse to reinforce the status quo or as
a tool to bring about change. I will not dwell here on the disempowering aspects
of fatalism that have been attributed to lakas-ng-loób and, by implication, Bahala
na. Rather, I want to focus on how lakas-ng-loób and Bahala na can fruitfully
intersect with crip ontology.
Lakas-ng-loób can, according to Reyes, be compared to the Thomist virtue
of courage, specifically with respect to courage for the kapwa, not for ourselves
(2015: 166). It implies sacrificing oneself for the community in a way that cannot
be disentangled from the Christian idea of ultimate sacrifice. This meaning, in and
of itself, may not seem appealing to disability theorists or indeed most feminists;
there is no shortage of ethical discourses that encourage us to sacrifice ourselves
“for the greater good” to view ourselves as a burden, and so on. Yet, lakas-ng-loób
is primarily directed at the preservation of community relations rather than the
agent’s moral goodness. In this sense, (self)sacrifice is not a goal in itself, but rather
another tool in our relational ethical toolbox. Incidentally, Reyes’s examples for
this “virtue” relate to the well-being of the nation and thus he names celebrated
Filipino revolutionaries and political dissidents José Rizal and Ninoy Aquino,
further expanding the scope of ethical webs (2015: 167). I will argue that lakas-ng-l
loób, when taken together with Bahala na as an ontological worldview, provides us
with examples of crip hacking and resistance.
The notion of courage raises alarm bells for my disabled bodymind. It seems
dangerously close to “resilience” and the pervasive inspirational supercrip
narratives that celebrate disabled peoples’ strength (and continued existence)
in order to avoid responding to our needs. Given the socio-historical context of
lakas-ng-loób, however, to have courage can also be understood to mean to be
motivated to resist oppressive structures. As much as loób and kapwa’s emphasis
on inherent relationality can be used to justify prioritizing social harmony over
change, the loób’s effort to benefit the kapwa takes shape in lakas-ng-loób when
the community is threatened. In other words, relationality does not necessarily
involve uniformity but rather reminds us that “together-with-others” is our
ontological reality and that which to we should aspire, as well as what we should
protect. In short, we must resist the forces that threaten our shared selves. As
disabled people, we are constantly faced with a world that wants us to change,
to leave, to not exist. When we dare to reject the frameworks that deem us
essentially unworthy of life, power, and agency, we practice resistance. Although
we experience resistance individually, a relational philosophy of disability would
argue that lakas-ng-l loób is both practiced for the good of the community and
experienced communally through communal action. Although Reyes heralds
the resistance of individuals, we would be justified in thinking that insofar as
the agent is intrinsically relational, resistance is also an intrinsically relational
endeavor.
If we recall, pakikiramdam is an indirect strategy to achieve relational harmony.
In other words, pakikiramdam relies on empathy and consideration rather than
on confrontation, the latter of which is a tool that only the powerful can wield
carelessly. If we imagine someone who exhibits lakas-ng-loób and pakikiramdam,
we have the makings of crip hacking. In the “Crip Technoscience Manifesto” (CTP)
Aimi Hamraie and Kelly Fritsch (2019) discuss the history of feminist hacking
and how the concept of repurposing, diverting, and remaking technology is an
important expression of disabled agency. The article also cites Yergeau’s (2014)
“criptastic hacking” as a “disability-led movement, rather than a series of apps and
patches and fixes designed by non-disabled people who cannot even be bothered
to talk with disabled people.” The CTP is primarily concerned with material hacks
or changes to the material world that disabled people have enacted; however, I
see no reason why the term hacking cannot be applied to social and relational
situations as well. In this sense, a disabled person who practices lakas-ng-loób and
pakikiramdam can hack through oppressive situations by drawing upon their crip
support systems in order to preserve crip community. The sacrifice (or, at least,
the willingness to sacrifice) implied in lakas-ng-loób need not be self-sacrifice,
especially given that there is no loób separated from kapwa. Rather, the “sacrifice”
might be willingness to relinquish oneself of the goodwill and protection of
people who uphold oppressive social, political, and institutional norms in order
to preserve alternative communities. Crip hacking becomes a necessity because
crip lives are systematically deemed disposable in our societies; therefore, hacking
is always a rebellious act. I want to suggest that by linking hacking with lakas-
ng-l loób and Reyes’s proposal of “Filipino virtues,” we can arrive at crip Filipino
hacking, which will always be a rebellious practice. As Yergeau states, hacking is
a dynamic movement that needs to be continuously recharged and renewed. In
short, choosing to hack is choosing lakas-ng-loób as a way to express community
activism and solidarity.
In drawing this chapter to a close, I would like to address the possible conceptual
alliance between Bahala na and crip time. Both concepts function against or
outside of the confines of linear time and theories of progress. Bahala na exhibits a
trust that the universe will eventually balance itself out and that neither good times
nor hard times are eternal. “Crip time,” as defined by Alison Kafer, “is flex time not
just expanded, but exploded; it requires reimagining our notions of what can and
should happen in time, or recognizing how expectations of ‘how long things take’
are based on very particular minds and bodies” (2013: 27). In this sense, Bahala na
seems to offer a more interesting temporal framework than a progressive capitalist
timeline because it accommodates variable, flexible, and dynamic relationships
to temporal existence and activity. Although Bahala na has been critiqued as a
cultural excuse to relinquish agency, this criticism is true only if we assume a very
narrow understanding of what is required for one to “take action.” For example,
disabled life has taught me that more often than not, refusal to act in conformity
with “straight time”—for example, by resting—is the most empowering choice that
I can make in some situations. Bahala na is not necessarily fatalist but rather can
be read as determinist, encompassing the belief in a holistic worldview where my
acts are importantly embedded in and supported by webs of relations with other
humans, rocks, and trees. Much like pakikiramdam and hiya, Bahala na exhorts
us to understand our agency within its limits so as to better learn how to flourish
in our shared identity.
Conclusion
We have now followed down the path that Reyes carved out for us, examining the
essential relationality of the loób/kapwa pairing, a conceptual cluster that defies
dualistic and individualistic logic to inform onto-ethical relational practices.
I have analyzed this enumeration of “Filipino virtues” in ways that highlight
when they intersect with and buck against crip philosophical concerns, giving
special emphasis to the construction of an agency without the Western self. By
considering the virtue of lakas-ng-loób/Bahala na, I explained how it provides a
useful framework within which to define and explain crip hacking and crip time.
In short, this chapter is the result of a crip reading of concepts in Filipino
philosophy, feminist ethics, and virtue ethics; my crip mestiza reading. It takes
pride in not being definitive or complete. By following Reyes’s beats and key
concepts, I have introduced you to a few points of entry into Filipino philosophy
that I deemed interesting for the purposes of developing a philosophy of disability
and contributing a concept of crip relational agency. The choices that I have made
throughout this chapter are the result of my own scholarly interest in relational
agency. and I am sure I emphasized aspects that others would have neglected
because of that bias. I likely emphasized aspects of Filipino thinking and culture
that other authors would have neglected. I have done so consciously in defiance
of what a philosophy essay is usually designed to be: assertive, confident, and
dispassionate. My epistemic position as a disabled mestiza philosopher brought me
to develop and share an analysis of as-of-yet uncharted territory. Surreptitiously,
I have made a bold argument of my own, that is, that my partial investigation
should have a ripple effect and prompt other philosophers to excavate further, to
build higher, and to sink deeper into the possibilities and tensions between two
philosophical cultures. Although it would please me if they were these, Filipino
and crip, cultures, I hope that my argument has a broader reach.
Appendix
Pronunciation of Tagalog words:
Hiya: Hee-yah
Kapwa: KAH-pooh-ah
Kagandahang-loób: Kah-gahn-dah-hang low-OBB
Lakas-ng-loób: Lah-kahss nang low-OBB
Loób: low-OBB in two syllables
Pakikiramdam: Pah-kee-kee-ram-dam
Utang-na-loób: Ooh-tang nah low-OBB
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